Admiral Mullen and a way forward for Afghanistan

The admiral’s trip to Princeton and his discussion of the human side highlighted the war in Afghanistan, which is now at a critical crossroads. Afghan presidential elections are scheduled for August, and parliamentary elections are planned for 2010. But another dangerous element has developed in that conflict: unacceptable civilian deaths in counter-insurgency operations, accidental bombings of civilian targets and operational activities that grossly transgress Afghan tradition and culture. This has generated serious friction between the Afghans and foreign military forces.

The killing of insurgents in a hamlet will not contribute to overall stability if that military operation also causes civilian deaths, and any such result is actually a loss in the struggle for Afghan hearts and minds. Civilian deaths offer ideal propaganda material for insurgents who do not want us to succeed in Afghanistan and often inspire new insurgents to replace the old. Worse yet, those deaths make it extremely difficult for President Hamid Karzai, who is perceived as dependent on American and international authority, to govern effectively.

Traditional, hard military power is and will be critical to providing security: the less security, the less governance, and the less governance, the more insecurity. But Afghanistan cannot be won militarily alone. More than military victories, it is perception that will ultimately be decisive. In the end, this struggle will be decided by Afghans and whomever they see as providing services, goods and security. As Admiral Mullen reminded us: It is the people, the Afghans, who need to be at the focus of our attention. Either they see us, the international community, as being their provider and protector, or they consider us a threat or, worse, an occupier.

Fighting insurgency requires cooperation by the civilian population and reliable human intelligence. It requires having Afghan civilians — the villagers, the merchants and tradesmen — with us, not against us. We will need them to fight and neutralize the Taliban, al Qaeda, the drug gangs and the criminals. It is they, in conjunction with and supported by us, who will make Afghanistan safe and prosperous. Afghans have to be the key part of any strategy: They have to feel that they own it and are empowered by it.

It is hence by and with the Afghans that we have to develop a new civil-military strategy that includes Afghan assets and capabilities. We have to do this in conjunction with Europe, Japan, India, Islamic states including Turkey and Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan’s neighbor states: Pakistan, Iran and China. Such a new strategy should include a Stationing of Forces Agreement (SOFA), and, more importantly, an effective national public relations (PR) strategy to explain all this to the Afghans, to add sense and purpose to military operations. Otherwise, any increase in the amount of combat troops will not be fully effective.

With insertion of any additional combat forces, it will be imperative to develop a fourfold action plan. First: intensified training for soldiers and commanders, including education in Afghan cultural dimensions — such as never entering women’s quarters.

Second: careful planning and coordination of military operations, together with local Afghan leadership and the Afghan National Army.

Third: an enhanced PR strategy to explain to the Afghan people why, how and for what purpose military activity takes place, and that all measures will be undertaken to avoid civilian casualties.

Fourth: a new policy on how to act in case of civilian casualties. After the killing of civilians by the German International Security Assistance Force contingent last August, soldiers and the German defense minister visited and talked to senior clan members and the governor, and made special payments of blood money to the family members of the dead. As far as I understand, this effort was very much able to soothe emotions and reduce anger and antagonism. Perhaps the U.S. and other NATO forces could adopt comparable strategies. Even if difficult, any attempt to develop such a policy would be highly appreciated by the Afghans.

Admiral Mullen’s talk at Princeton brilliantly demonstrated sensitivity to the human perspective in the conduct of war. Such sensitivity — in the context of rethinking components of our strategy — inspires hope that the American armed forces will not only live up to their reputation as the world’s most powerful military, but will also operate and fight in a manner and with the respect befitting of the United States of America.

Wolfgang Danspeckgruber is a Wilson School professor and the director of the Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination. He can be reached at wfd@princeton.edu.

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