On August 9, 2014, an unarmed Black teenager named Michael Brown was shot at 12 times by Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson. Six of those shotshit their mark. Brown’s dead body remained on the ground forfour and a half hoursbefore it was collected. In the four months since his killing, protesters in the city of Ferguson, Mo., have taken to thestreets to demand an indictment. They have been repressed, brutalized and denied their basic human rights. Their voices have been censored; their bodiesattackedwith excessive violence and chemicals unsanctioned in acts of warfare. Protesters suffered the same violence after Ferguson’s grand jury decided not to indict Darren Wilson at 9 p.m. on Monday, Nov. 24, 2014.
As Princeton students, we had the privilege to suffer no such violence. On the night of the "no indictment" verdict, we were able to protest on a campus where the local police force did not teargas us. Instead, they protected our rights to assemble as we marched in front of peers who chose to proceed with “Dranksgiving” celebrations on Prospect Avenue.Princeton has become a site for violence by inactivity. We have allowed it to serve as a safe haven for ignoring systemic injustices. This is no longer excusable.
Yet, we do not protest now because we have suddenly realized that Princeton degrees do not make the Black students at our University any more bulletproof thanTamir RiceorTrayvon Martinwere, their necks any less hangable thanLennon Lacy's, or their skulls any less breakable thanTanisha Anderson's. We protest now because Black bodies are still being perforated, lynched and broken because of their blackness.We protest now because we are sick and tired of the ongoing dehumanization of blackness; it is systemic, intentional and it demands our response.We are declaring war on these bigoted structures and ideologies that terrorize the human race.
In 2013, 86 percent of people stopped by Ferguson police were Black. Once stopped, Black people's vehicles were searched 1.77 times as often as White people’s. Their contraband hit-rate was less than two-thirds of White people’s, but they were arrestedtwice as often. Of the 12 individuals on Michael Brown's grand jury, nine (coincidentally, the number necessary to form a verdict regarding his killer's indictment)were White. This does not stop at St. Louis city limits.
The U.S. criminal justice system is a race-based institution that directly devalued Michael Brown’s life, devalues the lives of protesters in Ferguson, and devalues all Black life.
It not only fails Black people but works vigorously to target and punish Black lives more aggressively than white lives. Institutionalized racial inequality is housed in America’s local, state and federal courts, a phenomenon dating back to the Dred Scott case of 1857. Historically, protection of Black bodies has not been a primary concern for the juridical system. Racial bias is evident in virtually every aspect of the criminal justice system — from drug policies and legal representation to term lengths and parole. Yet it does not stop at our justice system.
The notion that Black lives are worthless is entrenched in the psyche of America. Systemic racism continually damages our subconscious.A Black child — however innocent — will often be deemed guilty until proven valuable. Black boys, starting from around age 10, arejudged by law enforcementas older than they really are. When a child is perceived as a man, that child is viewed as more capable of criminal activity. When a child is understood to be a Blackman, that child is assumed to be already involved in criminal activity, and perceived as violent. This only further embeds the implicit biases in law enforcement and the criminal justice system.
We protest because we have to. We shout “Black Lives Matter” because the trope of the ever-dangerous Black child must disappear. We discuss, demand and criticize because the only way to break down systems and dismantle subconscious racism isto be ferventlyanti-racist.
Call to Anti-racist and Anti-oppressive Action
Step 1: Get educated. Learn about people’s lived experiences by listening actively and openly. There is a time and place to play devil’s advocate — it is not when marginalized people are sharing their stories. Participate in dialogues and attend lectures hosted through CAF or by one of Princeton's many cultural groups.Read the essentials, including Beverly Tatum’s "Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?: And Other Conversations about Race", Michelle Alexander’s "The New Jim Crow" and James Baldwin’s "The Fire Next Time."
Consider taking one of the following courses next semester:AAS247/POL382: The New Jim Crow: US Crime Policy from Constitutional Formation to Ferguson,WWS331/SOC312/
Step 2: Be an ally. Stand up for issues that do not directly impact you. Challenge the caricaturization of blackness, even if it makes you and other people uncomfortable. Remember that being an ally means amplifying the voices of the oppressed — not being at the forefront.
Step 3: Fight in the trenches. Stop being risk-averse — continue past “dialogue.” Make fighting racism and oppression a priority — not having the time because of Princeton’s workload is not excusable. Participate in protests, rallies, boycotts and campus or organization-wide events.
Step 4: Use your Princeton privilege. We as students, faculty and administrators have a responsibility to challenge inequitable ideologies, practices and policies ... "in the nation’s service, and the service of all nations.”
Authors
Destiny CrockettKhallid LoveBriana PaytonSol Taubin
Editors
Kovey ColesYoselin GramajoTerrence FraserAsanni York
Proofreaders
Aisha OxleyTeri Tilman
Editor's note: This article has been updated to capitalize the words 'Black' and 'White' at the request of the authors.
Correction: An earlier version of this article misstated the date of the grand jury's decision on officer Darren Wilson. The date was Monday, Nov. 24, 2014. The 'Prince' regrets the error.
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